The list of Somali factories 30 years ago

 LIISKA WARSHADIHII SOOMAALIYA 30 SANO KA HOR:

1. Warshadda Sonkorta SNAI, Jowhar

2. Warshadda Sonkorta Jubba Mareeray

3. Warshadda Caanaha Xamar

4. Warshadda Dharka iyo Suufka

5. Warshadda Hilibka Kismaayo

6. Warshadda Sigaarka iyo Taraqa Xamar

7. Warshadda Maacuunta Xamar

8. Warshadda Shamentada Berbera

9. Warshadda Safaynta Batroolka Xamar

10. Warshadda Hilibka SOPRAL

11. Warshadda Bacrinta Muqdisho

12. Warshadda Birta Shubta Xamar

13. Warshadda Saliidda Xamar

14. Warshadda Daawada Xamar

15. Warshadda Hargaha iyo Kabaha KM7

16. Warshadda Hargaha Soomaaliya (HASA)

17. Warshadda Hargaha Kismaayo

18. Warshadda Hargaha Hargeysa

19. Warshadda Hargaha Burco

20. Warshadda Gympsuimka Berbera

21. Warshadda Eterniga Berbera

22. Warshadda Kalluunka Laas Qoray

23. Warshadda Kalluunka Qandala iyo Xabo

24. Warshadda Qaboojiyaha Berbera

25. Warshadda Badarka Hargeysa

26. Warshadda Badarka Baydhabo

27. Warshadda Burka iyo Baastada Muqdisho

28. Warshadda Badarka Burco

29. Warshadda Labanka Afgooye

30. Warshadda Badarka Xamar

31. Warshadda Habka cusub Xamar

32. Warshadda Khudaarta ITOP Afgooye

33. Warshadda Badarka Kismaayo

34. Wakaaladda Madbacadda Qaranka Xamar

35. Warshadda Caagga iyo Kartoonka INKAS Jamaame

36. Wakaaladda Xoogga Korontada Umadda

LIISKA WARSHADAHA GAARKA LOO LEEYAHAY:

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37. Warshadda Sagal Juice

38. Warshadda Biyaha Mineralka (Igar)

39. Warshadda Nacnaca Jirde (Star Confectionary)

40. Warshadda Galalka iyo Faylasha

41. Warshadda Funaanadaha Sharif

42. Warshadda Ifka Kiimikaliska

43. Warshadda Bayl (Somali Chemical Industry)

44. Warshadda Jawaannada (Somali Bag Co.)

45. Warshadda Marmarka Xamar

46. Warshadda Marmarka labada Walaalaha Muqdisho

47. Warshadda Tegola (Roof Tiles and Ridges Fac.)

48. Warshadda Dacaska (Somali Industry)

49. Warshadda Shamo Plastic and all. Plant)

50. Warshadda New Press

51. Warshadda Birshubidda Galeyr

52. Warshadda Somali Prefabric Building Materials

53. Warshadda Shaambada iyo Saliidda Timaha (Ramaax)

54. Warshadda Puntland Cosmetics

55. Warshadda Godir Sport

56. Warshadda Hargaha iyo Kabaha Soomaaliyeed (Conceria e calsaturicio Somala)

57. Warshadda Rinjiga Qasaca (Svilla)

58. Warshadda Rinjiga iyo Qasaca Banaadir

59. Warshadda Rinjiga Soomaaliyeed (Iversom)

60. Warshadda Kabaha Soomaaliyeed (Somali Fashion shoes)

61. Warshadda Aluminiyumka HODA

62. Warshadda Warmaash

63. Warshadda Central Foundary

64. Warshadda Koka-Kola (N.B.C), Coca-Cola

65. Warshadda Guuleed Furniture

66. Warshadda Wahablas (Hamar Plast and Allum.)

Source: Wasaaradda Warshadaha Soomaaliya 1989

Why is Somalia still under Chapter 7 of the United Nations Charter and what is its impact on National Sovereignty?

Chapter VII of the United Nations (UN) Charter is a provision that allows the Security Council to intervene in a country experiencing crises, aimed at preventing such crises from disrupting international peace and security.

This intervention includes sanctions, economic, diplomatic, and military force. Since the inclusion of Chapter 7 in the United Nations Charter, it has been used in several countries experiencing conflict and political instability, including: Somalia (1992), Iraq (1990), Bosnia (1995), Liberia (2003), Côte d'Ivoire (2004), Sudan (2005), Libya (2011), and others.

Somalia, a country plagued by civil wars, terrorism, and prolonged state collapse, for over two decades has been under Chapter 7 of the United Nations Charter. Following the collapse of Siad Barre's regime in 1991, the country descended into a state of lawlessness, with numerous factions fighting for control, including clan-based groups, warlords, religious organizations, and powerful pirates disrupting international maritime trade.

This chaotic situation was seen as a threat to international peace and security, leading the UN Security Council to intervene, placing Somalia under Chapter 7.

Countries under Chapter 7 of the UN Charter do not have full sovereignty. For example, the Security Council can interfere at any time with the internal affairs of that country, such as:

1-Impact on National Politics: The Council can force the country to change its economic policies, both domestic and foreign, and social policies. Decisions about the introduction and withdrawal of peacekeeping forces are made by the Security Council. Leaders are treated according to international politics when they attend lower-ranking leaders from other countries.

Chapter 7 has led Somalia to admit foreign troops without consultation, including the African Union Mission in Somalia (AMISOM). This can be seen as a violation of Somalia's sovereignty. However, considering how the Federal Government has managed its internal security and the impact it has had on regional stability, the international community sees this intervention as a necessity.

So, to get Somalia out of Chapter 7, there needs to be a restoration of peace, stability, and the functioning of the federal government and regional administrations. A government that controls its territory manages its borders, and fulfills its international obligations is a prerequisite.

Nevertheless, this effort must be led by the Somali government, and supported by the international community, and it should become a beacon of good governance, respect for human rights, and the rule of law.

In conclusion, although Chapter VII has played a crucial role in international efforts to restore peace and stability in Somalia, the country's exit from Chapter 7 depends on its ability to overcome the challenges it has faced to reach a future of peace, stability, and prosperity.

"We are treated like other countries are not treated" -President Hasan Shiekh

Maxa Soomaaliya 🇸🇴 loo hoos geeyay Cutubka 7aad ee Axdiga Qaramada Midoobay iyo Saamaynta uu ku leeyahay Qaran/ Gobnimadda(Sovereignty) 👑.

≈≈≈≈≈≈≈≈=≈≈≈≈≈≈≈≈≈≈≈≈≈≈≈≈≈≈≈≈≈≈≈≈≈

Cutubka VII ee Axdiga Qaramada Midoobay (UN) waa qodob u oggolaanaya Golaha Ammaanka inuu soo farageliyo Wadan la daala dhacaya dhibaatooyin, dhibtaasna looga baqayo inay saameeso nabadda iyo amniga caalam ka.

Faragelintani waxay isugu jirtaa cunaqabatayn hub, dhaqaale, Diblomaasiyad, iyo in loo isticmaalo awood ciidan. Tan iyo markii cutubka 7aad lagu daray dastuurka Qaramada midoobay waxaa loo isticmaalay dhowr wadan oo la daalaa dhacaya colaado iyo xasillooni daro siyaasadeed, waxaana kamidda: Soomaaliya(1992), Iraq (1990).Bosnia (1995), Liberia (2003), Côte d'Ivoire (2004), Sudan (2005), Libya (2011), and IWM.

Soomaaliya, wa waddan ku suntan tan dagaallo sokeeye, argagixiso iyo burbur dawladeed oo daba-dheeraaday, dhowr iyo labaatan sano e udan beeyay waxay ku hoos jirtay cutubka 7aad e Axdiga Qaramada Midoobay.

Burburkii Dowladii Siyaad Barre ka dib 1991, dalku wuxu galay xaalad sharci darro ah, waxaana soo baxay kooxo badan o ku dagaalamaya xukunka, sida Jamhado magac qabiil huwan, hogaamiye kooxeed yo, Urur diimeedyo, Budhcad-badeed baahsan oo khalkhal galiyay ganacsiga caalamiga ah ee badaha.

Xaaladaas fowdada ah ayaa loo arkay inay khatar ku tahay nabadda iyo ammaanka caalam ka, taasoo keentay in Golaha Ammaanka ee Qaramada Midoobay inay soo farageliyaan, hoos geeyaana Somaliya cutubka 7aad.

Wadamadda lahoosgeeyo cutubka 7aad e Axdi ga qaramadda midoobay malaha madax banaani dhamaystiran. Tusaale ahaan, Golaha Ammaanku waxay faragelin karan, xili kasta arimaha guddaha e dalkaas, sida:

1-Saamaynta Siyaasadda Qaranka: Goluha waxay ku qasbi karaan dalka inuu wax ka beddelo siyaasadiisa dhaqaale, arimaha dibada iyo guddaha, iyo siyaasada bulshadda. Goaan ka gaaridda keenidda, iyo bixida ciidamadda nabad ilaalinta waxa leh Golaha Ammaanka. Madaxdeedana waxa loola dhaqma saaxadaha siyadaha caalamka markay joogaan si ka hoosaysa madaxda wadamada kale.

Cudubka 7aad, wuxuu u horseeday Somaliya inay soo galaan ciidamo shisheeye iyado aan laga la tashan, loona marayo Hawlgalka Midowga Afrika ee Soomaaliya (AMISOM). Waxaa loo arki karaa inay xadgudub ku tahay madax banaanida Soomaaliya. Haddana, marka la eego sida ay Xukumadda Federalka ay u sugi la’dahay ammaankeeda gudaha iyo saamaynta ay ku yeelanayso xasilloonida gobolka, faragelintan oo kale waxay beesha caalamku u aragtay lagama maarmaan.

Hadaba, In Soomaaliya laga saaro cutubka 7aad, waxay u baahan tahay soo celinta nabadda, xasilloonida, iyo waddo shaqaynta dawlada federalka iyo maamul goboleedyada.

Dawlad xasiloon, o loo dhan yahay maamushana xuduudaheeda, fulisana waajibaadka caalamiga ah waa lama huraan.

Si kastaba ha ahaatee, Dadaalkaas waa in ay hormuud ka noqotaa dowladda Soomaaliya, beesha caalamkana ay taageerto, saldhigna ay u noqdaan dowlad wanaaga, dhowrista xuquuqda aadanaha iyo sareynta sharciga.

Gabagabadii, inkastoo, Cutubka VII kaalin muhiima u ka qaatay dadaallada caalamiga ah ee lagu soo celinayo nabadda iyo xasilloonida Soomaaliya, haddana, in lagabixiyo soomaliya cutubka 7aad waxay ku xiran tahay awoodda dalku uu uga soo kaban karo dhibaatooyinkii uu soo maray si uu u gaaro mustaqbalka nabad, xasillooni, iyo barwaaqo.

Conflict of Interest in Garowe, Somalia

Main Perspectives:

1. Government's Perspective
2. Aran Jan Group's Perspective
3. Clan Elders' Perspective

Subtopics:

1. Government's Perspective

• Democratic Philosophy and Mandate: The government, having the mandate to lead the country, strongly upholds a democratic system "for the people, by the people". It aims to implement a "one man, one vote" system.
• Transition to Multi-Party System: The government intends to amend the constitution, extending the number of political parties from three to five, to enhance diversity and representation.
• Public Support: Election authorities report nearly 400,000 registered voters, and 3,775 candidates from seven political parties, including the ruling Kaah party, are on the ballot across 33 districts in local elections.
• Opposition to Clan-Based Selection: The government stands against the current system where clan elders select parliamentary members based on clan affiliation, seeing it as prone to corruption and vote buying.

2. Aran Jan Group's Perspective

• No Official Mandate: Unlike the government, the Aran Jan group does not hold a formal mandate to direct the country, yet it exerts influence through its opposition to democratic processes.
• Resistance to Democratic Elections: The group, based in Garowe, stands against the democratic election process advocated by the government.
• Advocacy for Clan-Based Selection: They endorse the clan elders' system of parliamentary member selection, a process potentially susceptible to corruption and vote buying.
• Support from Federal Leaders: The group receives financial backing from federal leaders who perceive democratic elections as a threat to the clan-based 4.5 formula election system that brought them to power. These leaders believe that due to security concerns in South and Central Somalia, they won't hold a "one person, one vote" system in the 2026 federal election.

3. Clan Elders' Perspective

• Desire to Maintain Status Quo: Clan elders aim to maintain the current system, resisting changes that threaten their traditional authority and the clan-based selection process.
• Opposition to Democratic Elections: They reject the "one man, one vote" principle, believing it could undermine their power in parliamentary member selection.
• Support for Clan Representation: They argue that the clan-based system ensures all clans receive adequate representation in the parliament.

 

The Ongoing Conflicts in Somalia: A Complex Web of State-Society Relations, Religious Discourses, Elite Power Struggles, and Politicized Clan Dynamics

As of 2023, Somalia is embroiled in a complex web of conflicts marked by state-society tensions, religious extremism, elite power contests, and politicized clan dynamics. This multifaceted conflict landscape underscores the intricate socio-political context of Somalia, calling for nuanced strategies for peacebuilding and conflict resolution.

Tensions Between State and Society:

A notable facet of Somalia's current issues is the tension between the federal government and the states it oversees. Critics point to a divisive strategy by the central government, based in Mogadishu, suggesting it seeks to amass power by weakening member states of the federation. Allegations of government interference in regional conflicts, particularly in the case of Garowe in Puntland, is seen as an attempt to destabilize a stronghold of federalism and democracy in the country. As Puntland pioneers democratic governance with its 'one person one vote' elections, such interferences indicate the significant chasm between state and society, and highlight struggles for power and control.

Conflict Under the Guise of Religion:

In the religious arena, extremism, chiefly through the militant Islamist group Al-Shabab, intensifies Somalia's instability. Predominantly active in South and Central Somalia, Al-Shabab has inflicted considerable damage, opposing the democratization process while advocating for nationwide Sharia law. Their use of religious sentiments to achieve political objectives not only undermines the government's authority but also widens social and political schisms.

Elite Power Struggles:

Amid this turbulent backdrop, power disputes among the political elite add a further layer of complexity. A prime example is the group known as "Aran Jan" in Puntland, allegedly backed by external entities aiming to destabilize Puntland. They strive to usurp power by subverting the democratic choices of the populace. Such elite conflicts, characterized by manipulation, coercion, and violence, pose substantial threats to regional peace and stability.

Politicized Clan Dynamics:

Inextricably linked to these power struggles are the politically charged clan conflicts. Clan identity is deeply embedded in Somali politics and society and is manipulated by groups like "Aran Jan" to provoke intra-clan disputes. Such politically incited conflicts disrupt social cohesion and hinder progress toward more democratic governance.

In conclusion, the ongoing conflicts in Somalia represent a convoluted amalgam of state-society discord, religious extremism, elite power disputes, and politicized clan dynamics. Tackling these challenges necessitates a comprehensive strategy that promotes inclusive governance, counters extremism, mediates elite disputes, and depoliticizes clan identities. The path towards stability and peace in Somalia is undoubtedly arduous, but it is within reach with concerted and strategic efforts.

 

President Deni's Emphasis on Accountability in Somalia's Political Transformation

In the intricate landscape of Somalia's politics and state-building processes, accountability has been brought to the forefront by President Said Abdullahi Deni of Puntland State. With a focus on fundamental rights, security, and economic stability, the ongoing transformation is marked by complexity, conflict, and a common pursuit of progress. President Deni's recent address highlighted a missing piece of the puzzle - an explicit call for enhanced accountability in the federal government.

The essence of accountability lies in the responsibility of entities, particularly those in power, to explain, justify, and take responsibility for their actions. This becomes especially pivotal in a state-building process like the one Somalia is currently undergoing. As it emerges from decades of conflict and instability, the establishment of trustworthy, accountable institutions is an imperative step in the nation's journey towards sustainable peace and development.

President Deni underlined this crucial element in his speech by stating, "What are we missing from the federal government? Somalia is undergoing political and state-building processes, where accountability plays pivotal roles. Let's hold the federal government accountable, just as you hold me accountable." This statement serves as a crucial call to action for all stakeholders in the state-building process. It underscores the need for accountability, not just at a local or regional level, but equally, if not more, at the federal level.

Accountability in the federal government can lead to enhanced trust among Somalia's population and international partners, improving cooperation and fostering stability. More importantly, it ensures that decisions and policies made at the highest level are in the best interests of the people and the country as a whole. Therefore, President Deni's emphasis on this aspect can be seen as a pathway towards an effective, transparent, and representative federal government in Somalia.

Furthermore, the concept of accountability extends to the socio-political dynamic between leaders and the populace. The remark, "just as you hold me accountable," implies the essence of democratic engagement. Citizens, who are the ultimate bearers of the consequences of political decisions, must take an active role in monitoring and questioning the actions of their leaders. This call for public engagement in the accountability process enhances the democratic principles within the state-building process, ensuring that the government is of the people, by the people, and for the people.

However, establishing accountability within the federal government and the wider political structure in Somalia is not an overnight task. It requires structural reforms, robust institutions, political will, and societal change, among other things. For this to happen, Somalia needs support from its international partners, both in terms of resources and expertise.

President Deni's plea for federal accountability could mark a turning point in Somalia's state-building process. It serves as a rallying call for all those involved, domestically and internationally, to ensure that accountability becomes a cornerstone of Somalia's political future. Only then can the federal government truly fulfill its mandate, safeguarding the interests of its citizens and steering the nation towards lasting peace, stability, and prosperity.

"The Puntland Government of Somalia: Proposals for Solutions to Challenges Surrounding State Building in Somalia"

The Puntland Government of Somalia recognizes the positive trajectory progress of the Somali Statebuilding process since the inception of the Federal mechanism in Mbagathi, Kenya, in 2004. The Government of Puntland has been instrumental in realizing a peaceful, united, and democratic Federal Government of Somalia. However, numerous serious concerns have been raised over time regarding the lack of political will and systematic delays in reaching negotiated political settlements that would foster the completion of the provisional Federal Constitution.

1. Political Challenges:

The central challenge is Mogadishu's consistent failure to implement political and legal agreements between Puntland and the Federal Government. The Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has recurrently circumvented its constitutional mandates, limiting the roles of the Federal Member States (FMS). On 27th May 2023, the FGS issued a non-inclusive statement intending to abolish the constitutional Government structure, risking both the Federal Government and the FMS to collapse.

2. The Puntland's Approach:

The Puntland Government considers the National Consultative Council (NCC) as an ad-hoc, non-legally binding platform ill-equipped to settle the national contentious issues. The platform has failed to present an inclusive state-building agenda, proposing unconstitutional and non-inclusive initiatives instead. Thus, the Puntland Government has decided to negotiate bilaterally with the Federal Government of Somalia.

3. Nation-wide Challenges:

In addition to grappling with political, security, financial, and technical challenges, the following issues have become integral challenges that Somalis are yet to fully resolve. The Puntland Government is thus providing its perspective on the solutions to these nation-wide challenges.

4. Proposed Solutions:

Solutions proposed by the Puntland Government include:

• Finalizing the Provisional Federal Constitution: Through a bilateral agreement between the Federal and Puntland Government, harmonizing the Federal and Puntland Constitutions, and a public referendum.
• Delineation of Governmental Powers: The FGS should exercise powers enshrined in the Provisional Federal Constitution through consultations while the powers not explicitly mentioned in the Constitution should be vested with the FMS.
• Distribution of National Resources and International Development Aid: Puntland government advocates for direct engagement of donors with the State Government and each Member State should negotiate with FGS separately for resource allocation.
• Administration of Revenue and National Fiscal policy: Puntland advocates for FMS to control the development, management, and utilization of economic infrastructures within their territories.
• The Issue of Somaliland: Puntland Government suggests resolving the issue through dialogue while maintaining the territorial integrity and unity of Somalia.
• Status of the Capital City: Puntland welcomes consensus agreement on the status of the capital city.
• Implementation of Federal Government Regulations: Regulations prepared without consultation should not be recognized until they are renegotiated and agreed upon.
• Implementation of Democratic Elections: The Government of Puntland proposes conducting democratic elections at all levels, with the respective FMS responsible for preparation, scheduling, implementation, and monitoring of elections.
• Building National Security Forces: Puntland calls for the establishment, training, and equipping of the Darawish and police forces at the FMS level.
• Conflict in Laascaanood: Puntland condemns the recent attacks by the Somaliland administration and commits to providing humanitarian assistance for the victims of the conflict.

Conclusion:

The Puntland Government of Somalia, recognizing the challenges facing the nation, is actively participating in dialogue and negotiations with the FGS and other stakeholders to facilitate a peaceful, democratic, and prosperous future for the people of Somalia. Through its proposals, Puntland hopes to address the primary obstacles facing the nation and pave the way for a successful state-building process. It underscores the importance of inclusivity, dialogue, negotiation, and respect for constitutional provisions in achieving these aims.

 

From National to Tribal: The Transformation of Somalia's Federal Army

The effectiveness of a military force as an instrument of national defense and security relies not only on its tactical prowess and hardware but also on its coherence as a unified entity. This unity stems from a shared sense of purpose and allegiance to a common national identity. However, when a military institution is plagued by tribal or factional interests, the integrity and effectiveness of the army can be compromised. This article delves into the nature of a federal army within the context of Somalia's ongoing internal conflicts and explores whether it functions as a national army or a tribal one.

In an ideal scenario, a national army ideally represents a country's entire populace, safeguarding the national interest above subgroup or regional preferences. It embodies a sense of unity and common purpose that transcends ethnic, regional, or tribal affiliations. Unfortunately, in the case of Somalia, the federal army's ability to operate as a national force is hindered by the pervasiveness of tribal influences and inter-clan conflicts.

The Somali National Army (SNA) faces numerous challenges that impede its functioning as a unified national force. Tribal loyalty often surpasses national allegiance, resulting in recurring clashes between SNA forces and regional paramilitary groups. A notable incident occurred on June 13, 2023, in the southern port town of Barawe, which serves as the capital city of the Southwest Administration. During a fierce gun battle between the SNA and regional forces, ten individuals were killed, and several others sustained injuries. This confrontation highlights the deep-seated divisions within the army and the wider country.

Rather than presenting a united front against common external threats, such as the Al-Shabaab terrorist group, the SNA's focus is frequently diverted towards internal clan disputes. The prioritization of tribal interests over national security exacerbates the fragmentation of the Somali military. This factionalized environment emboldens terrorist groups and hampers counterterrorism operations.

Somali society, deeply rooted in a clan-based social structure, extends this tribal mentality to the military. The "us versus them" perspective fostered by this mindset undermines attempts to establish a unified, national army. Consequently, the SNA often functions more as a tribal army, with soldiers' loyalties leaning towards their clans rather than the central government. This situation disrupts military hierarchy, discipline, and overall effectiveness.

The tribal mentality within the SNA and the prevalence of inter-clan conflicts raise existential questions about the nature of the Somali military. Is it a federal army, a national army, or a tribal army? Given the tribal affiliations within the SNA and the resulting conflicts, it is presently more akin to a tribal army than a national one.

Conclusively,, the case of Somalia underscores the significance of a shared national identity and a unified sense of purpose in the functioning of a federal army. Transforming the Somali National Army into an effective national force requires more than mere physical resources. It necessitates fostering a national identity that transcends tribal loyalties and cultivating a unified purpose that prioritizes national security over clan-based interests. As long as the SNA remains a tribal army, Somalia's national security will remain fragmented, impeding the country's progress and its ability to effectively combat terrorism.